Barcelona Agreement Migration
Lavenex, S., Kunz, R. (2008). The development of nexus migration in EU external relations. Journal of European Integration, 30 (3), 439-457. Such a “problem” has been associated with many “causes” among which “structural causes” were considered essential causes. The arguments put forward are that irregular and forced migration is due to social, political and economic conditions, particularly in countries of origin (incentives). This means that in addition to the more recognised economic factors (poverty, unemployment), the EU also identifies political drivers as the main cause of population displacement in the region. Parliament, on the other hand, has become more clear in this context. In fact, it is the main actor who makes clear statements about the lack of democracy and dictatorship as important structural factors for migration flows. Similarly, the promotion of democratization in the southern neighbourhood is repeatedly seen as an essential solution.
This would be in line with the historical normative role of Parliament, which would be the “symbol of democracy” in Europe and the “speaker for fundamental democratic rights” (Feliu-Serra, 2015, p. 30). A role that is not only appointed from outside, but also writes itself: “the central importance of the European Parliament for the strengthening of freedom and democracy in our neighbourhood; believes, in this context, that the European Parliament should closely monitor the democratisation process in the southern Mediterranean” (Parliament, 2011a). It was proposed that the external dimension of the EU`s migration policy, when it was first conceived in 1999, should be seen as a comprehensive approach, inspired by two cross-cutting narratives: the “remote” or “securitized” approach, and the “cause” or “preventive” of Foot 4 (Boswell, 2003). Yildiz, 2016; Zapata-Barrero, 2013). In the first, migration is framed by security speeches, while in the second, it has a strong development discourse on its core (Fratzke – Salant, 2018). As a result, the academic debate on the narratives behind these policies has focused on the migration axis (van Hear – Sérensen-Nyberg, 2002) and the link between the safety of migrants (Pinyol-Gimenez, 2012), as well as the tensions inherent in their prioritization and articulation. In order to examine how the EU`s external migration policy and democratisation mix in the context of relations between the EU and the Mediterranean Region, I have opted for a theoretical approach that places narratives at the heart of the political process, focusing mainly on the approach of Roe`s NPA (1994).
This choice was motivated by three main reasons. At the time of the Paris summit, France – which was responsible for the EU presidency – and Egypt co-chaired. Since then, France has signed agreements with the various presidencies of the EU`s Red Government (Czech Republic, Sweden and Spain) in order to maintain Egypt`s co-presidency.  The renewal of the co-presidency should take place at the second summit of the Union for the Mediterranean.